In a meeting like this, I saw no benefit in starting a debate that would surely be conflicted.  I merely wanted to suggest a topic in order to hear what Dr. Denman would have to say.  Therefore, I brought up a newspaper article published in the United States, which pointed out in a critical tone that the American superpower was helping Vietnam combat communism, and that, this being the task, there was no legitimate reason why American firepower should at the same time support the tiny nation’s desire to realize its silly dream of creating an empire to rule over ethnic minorities.  Upon reading the article’s interpretation of recent historical events, I tried to imagine the type of empire which could be built by the wretched poor forced - initially by President Ngo Dinh Diem - to leave their villages for the forest, where they must toil to turn every square foot of virgin forest into cultivated land.  What kind of empire could this become?

I stated this thought to the Minister, but his tone remained coldly sarcastic.  “The matter at issue is not simply that raised in this article.  An uprising of the poor and wretched has its own legitimacy.”

I had to restrain myself from expressing an angry response.  A warm cigarette helped restore my calmness.

“By the way,” I stated, as though the thought had just come up unpremeditated, “with regard to the letter addressed to the American Ambassador and the United Nations by Thuong leaders in 1964, it seems you were consulted by these leaders many times, Minister.”

With the exception of a mere fleeting instant of surprise, the Minister’s facial expression betrayed no emotion.  He asked what I already knew about the letter.  I told him I had read it, but was not sure if I had been reading a copy of the original text or a manipulated version.

Dr. Denman hesitantly regarded me, threw Davis a glance, then resumed his indifferent tone of voice.  “As I’ve just told you, the initiative was theirs.  I had no ideas of my own to contribute.  Moreover, I did not want to invite misunderstanding, a misunderstanding that would jeopardize my religious mission, which has been going very well for more than ten years.  The communists have accused me of working as a spy for imperialist America under the cloak of a minister.  This does not bother me, as everyone knows it is part of communist propaganda strategy and their smear campaigns.  But, otherwise, I want to keep my good reputation.

“I declined many times, but the Thuong insisted on securing my help.  The only thing I agreed to do was to translate the letter into English and French.  After that, they themselves had it typed up.  They made copies, which they sent to the Ambassador, the Secretary General of the United Nations, and a few others.

“Subsequently, came the December ‘65 event, a very bloody general rebellion of the Thuong, which occurred simultaneously in all highland provinces, and which was initiated by FULRO - Le Front Unifié de Lutte des Races Opprimées, or United Struggle Front for the Oppressed Races - a movement demanding autonomy for the highlands.  FULRO is composed of three groups: the FLM, Le Front pour la Libération des Montagnards; the FLKK, Le Front pour la Libération de Khmer Krom; and the FLC, Le Front pour la Libération de Cham.  But I’m sure you know all that.

“Naturally I did not approve of the uprising,” he continued, “and so I no longer have communication with them.  Even so, I still am experiencing misunderstanding and the expression of much ill feeling from a number of Vietnamese – especially General Thuyet.”

Apparently, the little I knew about this matter had served as an invisible string tying myself and the Minister into a discussion.  Looking at me in a confiding manner, he attempted to establish a trusting atmosphere.  He offered to show me the letter if I wanted to see it, but he did not think it was the proper time to publish it in the press as an open letter.  Doing so would not be fair play, he thought, to those who had trusted him, and who were still pursuing their struggle. NEXT

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