NMT : Do characters in your works
May Bao (Storm Clouds), Bong Dem (Darkness of
Night), Gio Mua (Seasonal Wind), and Vong Dai Xanh
(The Green Belt) bear a slight resemblance to the real person
and the real life of their author? In The Green Belt for
example, one finds abundantly projected events and social
reality as they existed around the time you wrote it. In light
of that, what's the ratio of fictional elements in your works?
NTV :
You are correct in saying that the
then current affairs and reality make their appearance very
frequently in my fiction, typical of which is The Green
Belt. But that's not a reportage as is commonly known in
journalism. Indeed, The Green Belt embodies many details
drawn from real life, but in the process of creation these were
sifted and selected by the author's perception so that their
overall interconnections can be seen, leading to a reality in
fiction.
Looking back, I remember that at
that time there was no shortage of news articles dealing with
upheavals in the Central Highlands. In fact, the magazine
Tinh Thuong ran the reports I then wrote on this problem
area. I was deeply moved by the tragic conflict between Kinh
and Thuong peoples, but at the same time I also thought that it
was a big issue on the national scale. Thereupon, instead of
writing a reportage, I projected the collected data as literary
images in a novel which I thought would have a more lasting
impact on the reading public.
I began writing the novel right from
the time when, as a special reporter for Tinh Thuong, I
had many occasions to go to the Central Highlands and witnessed
bloody uprisings associated with the FULRO movement. That
conflict was devastatingly complicated, bordering on
illogicality, which involved Vietnamese of different ethnic
groups in both lowlands and highlands, the Americans, the
communists, and also the French. Tinh Thuong devoted a
few special issues to this subject, following and analyzing the
events by subsuming them under a thematic slogan: "Central
Highlands: a Horse Cart with Three Drivers upon it". The
Green Belt, in truth, depicts a no-less-tragic war that was
forgotten within the Vietnam War, the latter most intensely
discussed in the history of the American press.
I still remember one detail in
connection with the theme of the novel. Through the courtesy of
Tap San Su Dia (Journal of History and Geography) in
Saigon, I received a long letter from Professor Hoang Xuan Han,
a respected Vietnamese scholar living in France. He shared my
concern with the ethnic issue in Vietnam and expressed an
attitude quite distinct from that of the American researchers
who had visited and consulted with him. To me, the matter of
ethnicity and regionalism in Vietnam is not a thing in the
past. It's still a painful wound which needs to be healed by a
far-reaching vision, by adequate concern and attention from
future leaders of Vietnam.
Coming back to The Green Belt,
I was able to complete it during the time I served as Chief
Surgeon of the 81st Airborne Ranger Group. The work
was published in 1971, a significant portion of it having been
deleted partially by myself and partially by the Bureau of
Literature and the Arts in the Ministry of Information.
Regrettably, after 1975 the complete original version of the
manuscript was lost.
The novel takes the form of a
first-person narrative. As you know, even though the narrator
speaks as "I", this "I" does not stand for the author. The
protagonist is a talented painter who very much resembles artist
Nghieu De, a good friend of mine. The only difference is he
gives up painting and switches to journalism where he finds
himself drawn deeply into the tragedy that befalls the Promised
Land in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. Readers often
tend to identify the "I" in fiction with the author. Recently,
I received a letter from a former student now living in
Australia who had just read The Green Belt for the first
time. He expressed surprise at having discovered through the
novel that I'm also a painter. As you see, I like painting very
much, having painters for friends, but I've never learned how to
paint. The female character named Nhu Nguyen, whose presence
though not prominent is felt throughout the entire book, can be
considered the truly fictional part of it.
NMT : Suppose someone were to
put together a collection of short stories dealing with the
Vietnam War from different perspectives, do you think you would
contribute your work to it if invited? Will you decline or
accept the invitation? Please give us the reasons for your
preferred decision.
NTV :
Your question brings to mind the
book The Other Side of Heaven which recently came out.
It is indeed a publication of literary works about the Vietnam
War seen from many angles – American, North Vietnamese, South
Vietnamese – thus including "the third tear drop", to use author
Nguyen Mong Giac's words, a reference to a number of stories by
writers of former South Vietnam. To be absent from such a
collection would mean to have no voice and hence to be
forgotten.
In fact, there have been many
authors writing about the Vietnam War: American, communist North
Vietnamese, and naturally South Vietnamese. It has been
observed that the voice from former South Vietnam has produced
little echo within the international literary forum, chiefly
because of a shortage of translations into English, and even
works originally written in English have not achieved noticeable
success.
In my opinion, the American
publishing industry is regulated by the market economy. Owners
and directors of American publishing houses are very sharp in
detecting what investment will bring them maximum profit. Given
the communist bamboo curtain that blocked the truth in favor of
propaganda for so many years, the image of the North Vietnamese
soldier, supposedly symbolizing the army of the people, was
previously regarded mythical by many Americans. The American
reading public have the need to know the portrait of the North
Vietnamese enemy who was capable of defeating great America. In
the meantime, they don't care to learn about the ARVN soldier
who was described by the American press throughout the Vietnam
War with a full range of negative attributions – to a certain
level such a view seems to have served as a justification for
their inability to win the war. Generally speaking, literary
products and art works coming from North Vietnam, including
poetry, painting, and sculpture, will not necessarily have real
value, but they certainly will maintain some power of attraction
responding to the taste of the American public for some time to
come.
I don't mean to say that the
American reading public do not know how to appraise literary
works of value produced from the previous South Vietnam. Only,
it's obvious that there are hindrances related to marketing,
which prevent those works from reaching them. I strongly
believe that when the post-Vietnam syndrome is gone for the
American public, a work of literature of value, no matter which
side of the Vietnam conflict it comes from, will have the proper
place it deserves.
NMT : What impact did the
collapse of the South Vietnamese government in 1975 have on your
real life and on your literary life, respectively?
NTV :
Ever since the 1960s, I had no illusion of an end to the war
with South Vietnam coming out as the winner. My judgment was
not based on the thought that the enemy side was very strong;
rather it had to do with weakness and decline of the South
through a process of self-destruction. Right on the first page
of The Green Belt, I put forward an evaluation of the
Vietnam War at that point in time, by saying: "When the
Americans had moved beyond the advisory stage, everyone knew
this was their war – a war that had developed and was dealt
with in the interests of the United States." In spite of that
realization, I could not help being stunned by the speedy
collapse of the whole of South Vietnam while there were still a
million well-armed ARVN men in place.
I chose to stay, not to run away to
another shore, only to witness the last days of ARVN soldiers.
Their traumatic experience did not lie in the last battle that
they lost. It was rather the humiliation and the overwhelming
despair they felt in face of the cowardice displayed by their
commanding officers and the military leadership as a whole. It
was somewhat fortunate that the war ended then. Had it been
prolonged, had there been more deaths and destruction, the end
result wouldn't have been any different, given the low quality
of leadership.
Through sharing hardship with
soldiers in battle, witnessing their shame and humiliation
afterwards amidst a group of winners untidy and in
not-much-better condition, I perceived it was a tragedy shared
by both parts of the country. Riding out such an earth-shaking
event, how could I not feel a deep impact on my real life and my
literary life?
NMT : You're a soldier who
writes literature. Some people have observed that you did not
simply depict military life but used that environment as an
excuse to embark on addressing other issues more complicated and
more of a strategic nature. Do you consider that observation
correct?
NTV :
I've never written in the name of a
soldier. Army life to me can be viewed as an aggregate of
circumstances. Even when I wrote about those circumstances, I
didn't stop with simply depicting army life through fragments of
experience as undergone by soldiers. It's not that those
fragments were not rich. Rather, as you've noticed, they formed
only a starting point from which I could generate an integrated
view of other complex issues. At times it would appear as
though those issues were disconnected and spontaneous, but in
fact they were connected in the context of causality within an
evolving process, one being both regulatory and strategic.
NMT : During the war you underwent
much hardship, moving from one battlefield to another. However,
the element of anger can hardly be detected in your work, not
even in the newspaper piece you wrote about inmost feelings of a
combat soldier lost in the city amidst political turmoil. Can
you explain that?
NTV :
When choosing to work on
battlefields, I did not view my engagement as hard and
miserable. If there was any hardship or misery, it was nothing
in comparison to that suffered by soldiers during the war and in
its aftermath, not to mention the tragic consequences that
befell their families. Having to live for a considerable length
of time with adverse circumstances in the war, including
sacrifices and deaths, only to witness a society filled with
injustices, who would not feel anger and indignation? Only, the
manner of expressing it varies. The day a soldier spends in the
city away from his familiar combat environment seems to have
been described rather frequently in literature of the former
South Vietnam: in a tea house cum night club, or in a theatre,
there often occurs a scene where a male singer or an actor is
dragged away from the stage and attacked by some soldiers
because he wears combat fatigues and sings a soldier's song
while he himself is a draft dodger, so on and so forth. I can
understand and appreciate the anger of those soldiers, but in my
view that singer or actor is also a victim. The furious
reaction by those soldiers is called, in psychological
terminology, "displacement", or displaced response. Angry with
a slippery fish, the soldiers whack the cutting board, as a
proverbial saying goes. I'm not defending the soldiers' action,
but at the same time I'm not a moralist to condemn it either.
As a writer, I want to explore hidden reasons rather than
overtly expressed feelings. You say the element of anger is
rarely seen in my writings, but actually it's there. Only, it
takes a different form, and as always I'm situated at neither
one or the other extreme. Even at a young age, when trying my
hand at writing through working as a student reporter, I kept a
proper balance in what I wrote.
NMT :
Some time before 1975, you were summoned to court because of a
publication. How did that happen? Can you relate it to the
readers?
NTV :
As you know, our 81st
Airborne Ranger Group was a general reserve unit whose area of
operation embraced the mountains and forests of the Central
Highlands. But members of the Group also proved to be excellent
in battles that were waged in the city, an example of which was
our wiping out concentrations of enemy troops at Cay Thi and Cay
Queo in Saigon during the Tet Offensive of 1968. Perhaps
because of that, in 1971 the central government recalled this
battle-tested group from the highlands to Saigon for the purpose
of suppressing the series of demonstrations that had gone on for
a long while in that city.
As I remember it, it was also the
time when reconnaissance teams of Airborne Ranger Groups
discovered that the Ho Chi Minh Trail had become as broad as a
superhighway on which supplies were being transported day and
night all the way to the Tri-Border Area. The trail was like a
knife stabbing into the throat of that strategic border area in
the highlands at that time. From the President's Palace down to
the General Staff office, no one could have been uninformed
about this.
Let me digress here. Up to this
day, I cannot understand why at that point in time there was no
effort whatsoever, not even by the Americans with their surplus
of B-52s, to eliminate that strategic target.
Against that back drop, the 81st
Airborne Ranger Group was recalled to Saigon, as I have
mentioned. Instead of being surrounded by green forests, the
courageous soldiers of the Group were confined to Tao Dan Park
behind the Presidential Palace and adjacent to Hoi Ky Ma,
the Equestrian Club. They found themselves bewildered and lost,
like wild animals deposited in the city. They were given gas
masks and bayonets and ordered to break up and disperse
demonstrations. But who were among the demonstrators? They
might be youths and students enthused with idealism; they might
be hungry orphans and widows; or they might very well be war
invalids – those disabled fellows who, at one time or another,
had wielded their weapons and fought alongside these soldiers.
Indeed, the soldiers found
themselves posted in the heart of Saigon, surrounded by
high-rise buildings bustling with prostitutes, next to the
Equestrian Club where constantly were seen plenty of stud horses
with their glossy rumps. Those combat soldiers could not help
but realize that in this life, not only the sorrowful war
afflicted them; but more than that, in this motherland of
theirs, no farther than on the other side of the fence, there
existed a separate high society, magnificent and gloriously
bright, wrapped in its detached happiness. That separate
society was a world alien to the soldiers, drenched with a
pervasive fragrance and excessive consumption. It was the world
of those people who clamored for war while managing to stay
above the fighting or to remain outside of it.
"The Battle of Saigon" is the title
of a short story written against that background, which ends
with a moment of awakening for the soldiers who realize that
besides the battlefield familiar to them, they have to face a
more depressing frontline – which is defined by corruption and
injustice in society. That their foremost struggle is not in
the border area of the highlands, but on the more challenging
battleground right in the heart of Saigon.
That story was published in the
journal Trinh Bay (Exposition), number 34, in 1971. And
as expected, that issue of the journal was confiscated. Both
the author and the director of the journal were summoned to
court for the crime of militating against the morale of the army
and thereby benefiting the communists. At that time I was with
my unit on a military operation back in the Central Highlands.
Receiving the summons to Saigon, I appeared in a court of law as
the accused in full military uniform. Even though the whole
affair evolved with all court rituals observed, I had the
impression that I was in a play in which all actors, from the
judge to the public prosecutor, no longer believed in the roles
they played. The press, including the military paper, followed
the trial and published updates on developments as well as their
comments. All this led to a reversal of the normal situation,
wherein the Ministry of the Interior found itself shifted in the
view of the public from the position of prosecutor to that of
defendant. The authorities then seemingly realized that it was
not to their advantage to prolong the game of mimicking
democratic legal impartiality, and thereupon the trial was
quickly concluded with a suspended sentence for the author and a
large fine for the magazine.
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